What was a main goal of conservatives in Europe during the early to mid 1800s?

Conservatism in the 19th Century admin@apprend.io 2019-04-13T18:27:46+00:00

Conservatism for AP World History

About the Author: Ryan Abbott has been an AP European History teacher since 2000 and has taught AP World History since 2006, and he currently teaches both subjects at Cosby Loftier School nearly Richmond, Virginia. He has been an AP World History Reader since 2009, scoring both the DBQ and the LEQ essays on the AP exam, and he has participated in a College Board on rubric accuracy.

In other words- Mr. Abbott grades the essays you will write for the AP Euro exam.

Conservatism

The term "conservatism" commencement appeared in writing in 1815, in connection to the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in French republic after the reign of Napoleon. Conservatism is a philosophy that stresses the preservation of existing institutions and traditions. Conservatives do non oppose change; instead, they favor the stability of change that occurs within existing forms of authorities, economical systems, or social structures.

Conservatives practise non oppose change; instead, they favor the stability of alter that occurs inside existing forms of government, economical systems, or social structures.

Conservatism as an Ideology

Conservatism is an ideology that was get-go clearly articulated in opposition to the liberalism of the Enlightenment and French Revolution. Liberalism in the early 19th century held that progress came through applying the ideals of human rights, even at the expense of traditions and institutions. In the early nineteenth century, almost European conservatives favored strong monarchies, mercantilist policies, and aloof privilege, the established institutions of their solar day.

In the early nineteenth century, most European conservatives favored stiff monarchies, mercantilist policies, and aristocratic privilege, the established institutions of their day.

These conservatives contended that complicated public policies should be determined by educated aristocrats, people who understood the details of a item policy and who had the personal connections to implement the policy finer. Allowing the lower class to vote for representatives amounted to, nineteenth century conservatives believed, deciding policies through a popularity competition. This led conservatives of this period to oppose nearly democratizing reforms.

Political philosophies similar conservatism differ from place to identify and alter over time.

Political philosophies like conservatism differ from place to place and modify over fourth dimension. In 1815, U.k. was governed already past a ramble monarchy with Parliament every bit a strong national legislature, and conservatives there wanted to preserve the authority that the monarchy and aristocracy still had. In Russia, on the other hand, the tsar was absolute and no national legislature would exist until 1905. Russian conservatives, then, favored absolutism. As the Industrial Revolution transformed Europe, conservatives modified their beliefs to reflect the new status quo.

Enlightenment and Conservatism

Enlightenment thinkers, as role of their efforts to understand the world, advisedly defined political philosophies, and the terms conservatism, liberalism, and radicalism first announced in writing during or shortly after the Enlightenment. Liberalism has as its root "liber," the Latin for "free." Enlightenment thinkers kickoff began to employ the term liberalism in a political sense in the late 18th century to refer to a philosophy of human rights and freedoms.

Terms conservatism, liberalism, and radicalism starting time announced in writing during or shortly after the Enlightenment.

Liberalism was especially pop among the European middle form, a grouping that was still a pocket-sized proportion of the overall population but which was growing rapidly. The middle class was comprised of merchants, artisans, regime officials, and professionals like doctors. European merchandise with the Americas, Africa, and Asia had spurred artisan and merchant production, and members of the middle class by the belatedly eighteenth century could thus beget the level of education required for government service. The near prestigious authorities offices, however, were reserved for members of the nobility, and frustration with feudal laws and customs led middle class Europeans to cover liberal reform as a challenge to legally defined aristocratic privilege.

Conservatism developed in response to liberalism in guild to conserve the existing "corporate" makeup of club.

Conservatism developed in response to liberalism in order to conserve the existing "corporate" makeup of society. Traditionally, Europeans were organized into groups, or corporations, like a village or social club. Each corporation had collective rights, duties, and obligations that connected it to the remainder of gild. Nobles, for example, could expect peasants to provide crops and rents, just nobles were also expected to provide justice and, in times of need, food for peasants. The liberal doctrine of private liberal rights, early conservatives believed, threatened to supplant this web of social connections with a highly individualized system that encouraged contest between members of a society.

The Anglo-Irish gaelic politico and writer Edmund Burke was the most of import of the early on conservative theorists.

The Anglo-Irish politician and writer Edmund Shush was the most important of the early on conservative theorists. He argued that traditional legal codes and systems of authorities represented the accumulated wisdom of a number of generations of wise men. While Enlightenment thinkers frequently claimed that a single person or generation could utilise reason to break with tradition and course completely new institutions like governments and social structures, Shush viewed this as the height of arrogance, likely to result in unforeseen and negative consequences. This hostility to the Enlightenment view that reason alone could create the best institutions to organize society characterized early conservatism.

While Enlightenment thinkers often claimed that a single person or generation could use reason to pause with tradition and form completely new institutions like governments and social structures, Burke viewed this as the peak of arrogance, likely to issue in unforeseen and negative consequences.

The French Revolution of 1789 represented for Burke the worst kind of anti-traditional Enlightenment rationalism.

The French Revolution of 1789 represented for Burke the worst kind of anti-traditional Enlightenment rationalism. Burke and other conservatives believed that the bloodshed and violence of the Revolution resulted from the dismantling of existing French institutions similar the monarchy and Estates Full general, the old French Assembly by revolutionary leaders.

With what seemed to conservatives to be the arrogant assumption that they were wiser than their predecessors, the revolutionaries in France tried to invent a new system of government from scratch.

With what seemed to conservatives to be the big-headed supposition that they were wiser than their predecessors, the revolutionaries in France tried to invent a new system of government from scratch and broke the bonds between groups in society similar the nobility and the peasantry through constitutional protections for individual rights. Conservative observers claimed that the French constitutions of 1791 and 1793 freed French citizens from the reciprocal obligations that bound them to human activity for the good of society as a whole; the unintended consequence of these reforms, conservatives believed, was the violence of the Reign of Terror.

Napoleon and Conservatism

This destruction of so-called stabilizing traditions intensified under Napoleon, who seized power in France in 1799. Napoleon exported his Napoleonic Lawmaking of law and other reforms to areas he conquered, ending serfdom and other feudal systems that used birth to determine status and instead implemented "careers open to talent." To conservatives, the bloodshed of the Napoleonic era, when roughly v,000,000 Europeans, soldiers and civilians, had been killed and when state of war had been prosecuted, more or less continuously, for around xx-five years by 1815, was a natural event of the French attempts to recreate the world through reason.

After the defeat of Napoleon, conservatism served as the guiding philosophy of the aristocratic politicians who met at Congress of Vienna in order to restore peace to Europe.

Post-Napoleon Conservatism

Afterwards the defeat of Napoleon, conservatism served as the guiding philosophy of the aristocratic politicians who met at Congress of Vienna in lodge to restore peace to Europe. The Great Powers had defeated France in a Quadruple Alliance that included Russian federation, Austria, Uk, and Prussia, and they sought to maintain this alliance to preclude another general European conflict, in large role by opposing the resurgence of what they saw every bit the destructive liberal ideology of the French Revolution.

Austrian Foreign Minister Klemens von Metternich emerged every bit the architect of the conservative peace.

Austrian Strange Minister Klemens von Metternich emerged equally the architect of the conservative peace. Metternich believed that by restoring monarchs to power in countries like Spain and France and by binding the Smashing Powers to act together in a Concert of Europe to repress revolutions, the Keen Powers could halt the growth of ideologies they believed to exist harmful to the status quo, like liberalism and nationalism.

In 1815, the status quo in most European countries involved a potent monarchy, a mercantilist economic organisation, a social form system based on heredity rather than merit, and legal differentiation between classes. Russia's Tsar Alexander I, for example, still held accented power unlimited by a constitution, and the Austrian Empire continued to extract the traditional feudal labor tax known as the corvee from its peasants. Both of these states had avoided the more sweeping changes of the Napoleonic period, and they credited their stability and their power to defeat Napoleon to their traditional institutions.

Both of these states had avoided the more sweeping changes of the Napoleonic period, and they credited their stability and their ability to defeat Napoleon to their traditional institutions.

In order to reinforce the commitment to these traditions, Alexander I formed the Holy Brotherhood with Prussia and Austria, an alliance which was strongly committed to preserving the status quo. The terms of the brotherhood dictated that national policies should exist founded on established Christian principles, which Alexander believed clearly dedicated divine rights monarchies and which he interpreted as being hostile to the secular ideas of liberalism. Moreover, the alliance leap the monarchs to come to each other'due south assistance, as the Russians would do in helping the Austrians suppress revolution inside their empire in 1848.

Growing Nationalism

In the menses that followed the Congress of Vienna, the growth of nationalism in Europe and the rising influence of the middle class threatened the system Metternich and his allies had put in place, and the members of the Concert of Europe responded by instituting repressive policies throughout Europe. In the new High german Confederation established at Vienna, the Carlsbad decrees sharply regulated free expression and the correct to assemble, restricting the liberal clubs that had been established during the time of Napoleon.

While the Concert of Europe had successfully opposed uprisings in Kingdom of spain and Italy, a revolution in Greece challenged the conservative delivery to repressing revolution.

However, this repression did not stop the growth of liberal movements. While the Concert of Europe had successfully opposed uprisings in Spain and Italy, a revolution in Greece challenged the conservative commitment to repressing revolution. Although the Greek Revolution was the kind of nationalist uprising the Concert of Europe had committed to suppressing, European leaders felt little reason to aid the Ottoman Empire, which was neither a Christian-led empire or central to the balance of power in Europe.

Ottoman Empire

The Ottoman Empire was clearly in decline by the early nineteenth century, and the problem of how to handle territories that chose to break away from the empire was known as the "Eastern Question." This "question" divided the conservative leadership of Europe. The Austrian Empire, which was led by Germans but inhabited also be a variety of minorities, saw the potential breakup of the Ottoman Empire as a threat to their own empire, as it could encourage Austrian minorities to seek independence.

Russian federation, on the other hand, encouraged Ottoman independence movements, viewing the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire as a way to secure control of the Black Sea and the straits to the Mediterranean Body of water. The different approaches to the Eastern Question undermined the conservative consensus in Europe, eventually leading to war between the Nifty Powers in the 2nd half of the century.

Russian federation, Uk, and France all chose to back up the Greek Revolution.

Russia, Britain, and France all chose to support the Greek Revolution, as Russian federation sought to extend its influence into Southeastern Europe and the British and French sought to limit Russian influence while extending their ain in the Mediterranean. With this international support, Greece obtained full independence in 1830, and the conservative Concert of Europe inadvertently strengthened reform movements throughout the continent.

More Revolutions Exam Conservatism

Additional revolutions broke out across Europe in 1830, further testing the commitment and unity of Europe's conservative leadership. The French King Charles Ten had already established a reputation as an ultra conservative by limiting the French constitutional charter established by Louis 18 afterwards the defeat of Napoleon, and he set off an uprising in 1830 past issuing a decree stripping 75% of the French electorate of the right to vote. The rebelling French forced Charles to forsake, and the crown passed to Charles' cousin, Louis Philippe.

This violation of the principle of the divine legitimacy of Charles drew an angry response from Russia's tsar in 1830, Nicholas I, but the revolution was conservative enough in nature to satisfy the other members of the Holy Alliance. Louis Philippe restored the rights that the French had lost and strengthened the constitution, merely as a whole the revolution substantially preserved the status quo. Louis Philippe's monarchy was canonical by conservatives similar Metternich, who blamed Charles' rigid policies and bullying tactics for the revolution.

The revolution in France inspired revolutionaries beyond Europe, who hoped that France would support revolutionary change abroad as had occurred under Napoleon.

The revolution in France inspired revolutionaries across Europe, who hoped that French republic would support revolutionary change abroad equally had occurred under Napoleon. The members of the Holy Alliance, however, immediately mobilized in opposition to the revolutions, and Louis Philippe, alarmed at the proposed "radical" reforms of revolutionaries in the German states and Italia, declined to back up the revolutions throughout Europe. Consequently, Republic of austria put downwardly the revolution in Italy and Russia suppressed revolution in Poland.

While avoiding revolutionary uprisings of its own in the 19th century, Britain felt similar pressure to reform by 1830.

While avoiding revolutionary uprisings of its own in the 19th century, Britain felt similar pressure level to reform by 1830. England'southward Glorious Revolution of 1688 had established the principle that Parliament represented all citizens, only only most 400,000 of U.k.'s 14 1000000 inhabitants could vote. Making matters worse, Parliamentary electoral districts, known as boroughs, had not been redrawn for centuries, resulting in corrupt voting practices and a lack of representation for cities similar Manchester, which had grown rapidly during the early Industrial Revolution.

Britain'south conservative political party, the Tories, tried to resist calls to reform the authorities, just the liberal party, the Whigs, proposed a reform bill. In 1832, the Whigs were able to pass what became known as the Reform Nib of 1832, which expanded the electorate to around 650,000 men, amounting to effectually 15% of developed men in England, and the law redrew the boroughs to improve representation. This modest reform all the same strengthened the reform agenda, every bit reformers saw that the regime would reply to mass demonstrations and other forms of political pressure level.

Synthesis of Conservatism

By mid-century, the role of conservatives was changing in Europe. Industrialization, the shift to car production that started in the belatedly 1700's in Britain, had spread to the continent, challenging older family roles, working patterns, and the social class arrangement. The combination of industrial change and the growth of liberalism inspired massive revolutions across Europe in 1848. While the Holy Brotherhood put downwardly the bulk of the uprisings, just the specter of radical change raised by the revolutions led conservative political leaders to cover gradual reforms to satisfy their citizens, such as limitations on working hours for women and children.

The combination of industrial change and the growth of liberalism inspired massive revolutions across Europe in 1848.

Leading conservatives of the second one-half of the nineteenth century claimed to be more "practical" than their predecessors, guided more by realism than ideology.

Leading conservatives of the second one-half of the nineteenth century, like Otto von Bismarck of Prussia and Benjamin Disraeli of Britain claimed to be more "practical" than their predecessors, guided more by realism than credo. They saw certain movements, like nationalist unification efforts, the expansion of the correct to vote, and the end of peasant obligations as jump to succeed at some point, causing them to support reforms in an attempt to channel these movements abroad from liberalism to a more conservative direction.

They saw certain movements, similar nationalist unification efforts, the expansion of the right to vote, and the finish of peasant obligations as leap to succeed at some point, causing them to support reforms in an endeavour to aqueduct these movements away from liberalism to a more conservative direction.

Otto von Bismarck'south policies illustrate the shift in conservatism. Unlike traditional conservatives, Bismarck believed that nationalism, the pride in being German, could exist used to enhance the ability of the land and to protect the monarchy, and he played a leading role in the unification of the German states in 1871. Like traditional conservatives, Bismarck valued the bonds of reciprocal obligation between the dignity and the peasant and city workers, just he used this traditional approach to justify the cosmos of welfare programs like government health insurance and unemployment programs. These were the kinds of reforms strongly associated with radical socialism, yet Bismarck defended the changes as maintaining the status quo by drawing the loyalty of the workers away from socialist parties and to the state.

Conclusion

Conservatism is an credo that focuses on upholding established traditions, but the philosophy is non anti-modify. Instead, conservatives support gradual reform, often to strengthen social bonds. Equally traditions change, the ideas conservatives attempt to maintain tin change. Therefore, conservatives became more accepting of nationalism and the extension of the correct to vote later on 1848.

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Source: https://apprend.io/ap-world-history/overview-of-ap-world-history/conservatism-in-the-19th-century/

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